It's a trap for voters because it persuades them to buy into a false promise. It creates the illusion that there is such a thing as a government that acts only on the basis of objective truths, dispensing with politics, party interests and daily political fighting. Of course, this is a false hope.

A democratic political system is about getting into government and staying in opposition. Politicians' actions determine whether they get into or stay in power. This does not mean that this logic is all that guides them. There are other important factors, including the interests of the country, the ability of the government to keep the economy growing, its ability to fight poverty. But staying in power or getting into power is the fundamental axis - the unavoidable factor. You can regret this and hope for a political system which does not work on this basis, but such a system is not democratic but dictatorial.

An expert joining the political system himself becomes a political factor - a politician. This is the case even if we accept Gabor Fodor's definition of a government of experts, according to which, "the main interest of a government of experts is not in being re-elected, but in addressing the most important tasks facing the country." But it's not the government, but Parliament, which creates laws, with its 386 MPs - and they still have an interest in being re-elected. The prime minister of an imaginary government of experts could take on the post, committing himself at the same time to resigning after a few years in government. But he would still be dependent on the party that put him in place.

There is no doubt that if the current opposition parties agreed on a new expert prime minister, his proposals would still be voted on by the MPs of the party that put him in place. Political responsibility would remain with the parties and the votes would be cast not by 'experts' but by 'politicians'. The Free Democrats know this well. "In a parliamentary democracy it is unusual to establish a government of experts, honourable members," said Gabor Kuncze, addressing this very issue in Parliament on 10 October 2006, three weeks after the leaking of the Oszod speech.

It's a trap for parties as well. The Socialists are at risk because the Free Democrats might push them to the right of the political spectrum. If they are prepared to sign a new coalition with some kind of claimed 'expert' prime minister in place of Ferenc Gyurcsany, then they would be following the Free Democrats' strategy. This would be a great victory for the Free Democrats, and for Gabor Fodor in particular. Following the Free Democrats' strategy isn't a problem on its own, but it's only worth doing if both parties strategies' coincide. But that's not the case. The Free Democrats want a right-wing economic policy, with tax cuts to be backed by huge spending cuts which would certainly have an impact on the welfare state. The Socialists would cease to be a left-wing party, leaving Fidesz to take on that mantle, having proven in the consultation fee referendum that they are well able to reach the most vulnerable members of society if they are given the opportunity to do so.

But the Free Democrats are also creating a trap for themselves. If the they cannot sell their idea for a government of experts to the Socialists, and if they truly insist on a new government coming into being without Gyurcsany at the helm, then the liberals can turn to today's right-wing parties. The opposition is a majority for the time being, so they have the option of choosing a new (expert) prime minister and a new (expert) government programme. But there's a problem with the liberals' plan: Fidesz is more interested in early elections, whereas the Free Democrats risk not getting into parliament at the next elections. The Socialists would also lose out if elections were called now, but they have less to risk: at worst, they will get fewer MPs in. So the Socialists have a strong weapon: if they disband Parliament, then they have a partner in Fidesz. So it's quite clear that the new government wouldn't survive a day, because Parliament would be dissolved. The big question for the Socialists is whether to follow their own strategy or Gabor Fodor's.

Kornélia Magyar
Progressive Institute
Director, political analyst